For the first time in decades, it seems like the Malaysian opposition has a chance of winning, so long as it can bring together a broad and conflicted collection of ethnic groups including Muslims, ethnic Chinese, and indigenous communities. Waleed Aly is visiting Malaysia ahead of federal elections this weekend, and interviewed opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim to find out what chance his coalition has of winning, and of sticking together.
As the anticipation builds in the lead up to the 13th general election in Malaysia this weekend, there are two men that this ultimately becomes all about. One of them is Anwar Ibrahim the man who would like to be the next prime minister of Malaysia.
And for the first time since the country won independence from Britain in 1957, it looks like the opposition has a real chance of winning government. I managed to talk with Mr Anwar in Kuala Lumpur, where I’ve been reporting from this week for RN Drive.
During the ‘80s and ‘90s Mr Anwar served under the ruling United Malays National Organisation (UNMO), instituting their policies of Malay supremacy as first Education Minister, then Finance Minister, and finally deputy prime minister.
But now he’s running for office heading a coalition of disparate parties—the ethnic Chinese Democratic Action Party (DAP), the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) and his own People’s Justice Party (PKR)—with a platform themed around ending the racial divide in Malaysia.
‘The so-called favouring of the Malays is actually meant to enrich the cronies and the family members of the leaders,’ he told me. ‘They’re all billionaires. The Malays remain poor and marginalised. It’s better that we embark on new policy—a market economy but also very strong dosage of distributive justice and affirmative action based on the needs of poor marginalised Malays, ethnic Chinese, Indians and other indigenous people.’
But there are symbolic aspects to the policy of Malay supremacy too. For example the declaration of Malay as national language and Islam as state religion. These are things Mr Anwar accepts will not be reversed even if he wins power.
‘These are constitutional guarantees agreed upon by the coalition,’ he says. ‘The official language is Malay, but we continue to promote Chinese, Tamil and of course to enhance a level of proficiency in the English language at secondary school and at university level.’
‘The problem is when you embark on a policy to deny assistance for the promotion of other languages. Similarly with the position of Islam. The official religion is Islam—in fact the term is ‘Islam is the religion of the federation’…The conduct of the government, of the ruling party, when they deny the use of the word Allah to Christians, or deny the use of the bible in Bahasa—well these have been questioned as something that is contrary to the spirit of the constitution where you do guarantee freedom of conscience and religion.’
The period of Malay supremacy and the identity politics of Islam in Malaysia really began in earnest under Prime Minister Mahathir bin Mohamad in the ’80s. And during that time of course Mr Anwar served a number of senior roles in Mr Mahathir’s UMNO party, presiding over that change. There will undoubtedly be a number of people who’ll have a hard time believing he’s had a complete about face. But Mr Anwar says although he served UMNO during a very racially divisive period, he always considered himself a voice for reform in the party.
‘I made very clear to the public I was part of a system that stuck to that policy and that policy needed to be rejected,’ he says. ‘Even when I was a government minister I was talking about reform. I was talking about democracy; I was questioning this notion of Asian values that makes leaders view in a condescending manner towards citizens. I was talking about the need for the country to transform into a viable, vibrant democracy. These issues have been raised. So people do see that as indications that there was a reformer within the system.’
Another function of that system, from before Mr Ibrahim’s time, was political detention: locking up opponents under the Internal Security Act (ISA), which came about after the country’s race riots in 1969. In fact, the ISA was only dismantled last year. Mr Ibrahim was a member of UNMO for decades through this period, including stints near the top of the party as deputy prime minister. But he denies he was ever complicit in enforcing the ISA.
‘Even when I was a government minister I was talking about reform. I was talking about democracy; I was questioning this notion of Asian values that makes leaders view in a condescending manner towards citizens. I was talking about the need for the country to transform into a viable, vibrant democracy. These issues have been raised. So people do see that as indications that there was a reformer within the system.’ANWAR IBRAHIM
Fittingly, he claims he’ll repeal any remaining draconian laws relating to detention if he wins office.
‘All draconian acts affecting university students, unions, and security laws [will be repealed],’ he says. ‘Of course we have to be tough against any perpetrators of crime or terrorism, but you must allow for due process.’
It’s fine to talk reform, but from the outside Mr Ibrahim’s coalition looks like a union completely at odds with itself. The agendas of the Chinese DAP and the Islamist PAS (which has taken positions that were even more supportive of the Malay supremacy doctrine than UMNO), don’t seem to share common ground. But Mr Anwar says the coalition has already worked together successfully as the ruler of four Malaysian state governments, proving its ability to reach consensus.
‘It’s not a pre-election coalition, it’s a coalition that’s been in government, in the state governments, the last five years,’ he says. ‘We’ve done reasonably well, at least in terms of transparency, anti-corruption, attract[ing] investments. These are proven, and accepted by even the auditor general in the auditor general’s report. The perception that [this] is going to create havoc and divisiveness did not happen.’
Coalition members are encourage to freely articulate their views, but at the end of the day the political bloc has made a rule that it will not advocate policies that contradict constitutional guarantees or have not been reached by consensus, Mr Anwar says. However, elements of the PAS are in support of issues like Hudud for example—the application of Islamic legal punishments—which none of the other partners, or the constitution, supports. And in the past members from within DAP have gone so far as to encourage non Muslims not to vote for PAS. But Mr Anwar says religious divisions are a manageable part of politics across the country, and nothing unique to his coalition.
‘Look at it from practical experience,’ he says. ‘Religion is also a state matter in the provinces. Yes there will be some problems whether liquor can be sold in this village or not, there’ll be teething problems like that, which is there in any society.’
‘You see if you look at the party platform on democracy, on rule of law, on free media, on independent judiciary, ridding the country of corruption—you know all these policies, even economic policies, education policies, [are] all laid down,’ he says. ‘That’s why I say it’s not correct to suggest this is a collation of convenience, because this has worked for the last five years. And unlike a collation that you understand post election in the UK or Germany or whatever where you actually start crafting policy after the election, we’ve done so, and I think it’s a great service to Malaysians. Now we have for the first time a real working together of disparate groups, multiethnic, multi religious groups, and this augers well for the country.’
By contrast, he argues that the current ruling coalition, comprised of UMNO as well as partners the Malaysian Chinese Association and the Malaysian Indian Congress, doesn’t represent the true ethnic mix of Malaysia.
‘The ethnic Indians, ethnic Chinese are completely wiped out [in the ruling coalition],’ he says. ‘There’s no educated representation at all, there’s no voice in government. How can you have a voice when you see this Malay supremacy? How do you expect the ethnic Chinese and the Indians to feel? How do expect the Christians to feel when you say, “well, you have no right to use the word Allah, we decide what you call your god”.’
He’s also confident of attracting votes from indigenous communities in Saba and Sarawak, where he has been campaigning in remote villages, often by helicopter.
‘It was [a] very strenuous journey, but then very encouraging, because from the most remote areas in the highlands to the urban/suburban areas [there] is [a] huge level of support and enthusiasm that you certainly have not seen in the past.’
Now, he believes he just needs the election to be conducted fairly to have a decent chance of emerging from the political wilderness as Malaysia’s new prime minister. And he’s been critical of the Australian government in the past for not getting more involved in monitoring the coming elections. But Bob Carr’s reply has been – well, we weren’t invited. And Minister Carr has a point; can you reasonably expect Australia to observe an election it’s not invited to?
Mr Ibrahim told me that he sees Australia’s hands off approach to the upcoming elections as a total contradiction of its role in other parts of the world.
‘Australia’s an important country to us in terms of economy, education,’ he says. ‘We know its policy in terms of promoting democracy, freedom. We know they’re concerned what happens in Myanmar, Afghanistan, Iraq. Why the exception to Malaysia? We’re not asking them to be involved in domestic politics. You talk about free media; you talk about free and fair elections. Why do you mute it when it comes to Malaysia? These are difficult questions, and I think it’s legitimate. We’re not, as Minister Bob Carr suggested, [asking Australia] to be involved in domestic politics. We’re not asking them to participate or side with the opposition. We’re saying that; do you know, come here and see whether Malaysia is [a] great democracy, [a] moderate Muslim [country]. Do you know that Christians are denied reading the bible in Bahasa? Don’t you know we are being advised about the fact that the media don’t give one minute of airtime to the opposition? So i think our concerns are legitimate.’
‘MPs can be sent, civil society organisations should be encourage to go. There are some processes for example in terms of the election commission [which can] only allow observers where they are given approval. There are 101 ways. I mean you don’t need to send a foreign minister to come and observe. I don’t expect that of course.’
‘Why do you take a stand in Myanmar for free and fair elections. And don’t you know that Aung San Suu Kyi was given a time on television, [and] we don’t?
http://anwaribrahimblog.com/2013/05/02/anwar-ibrahims-moment-of-destiny/
http://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/drive/anwar-ibrahim/4664524
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